Brandow, James C., compiler. Genealogies of Barbados Families: From Caribbeana and The Journal of the Barbados Museum and Historical Society, (Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1983.)
Dawson, Kevin. "Enslaved Ship Pilots in the Age of Revolution: Challenging Notions of Race and Slavery between the Boundaries of Land and Sea", Journal of Social History (2013), pp. 1-30.
Ervin, Sara Sullivan. South Carolinians in the Revolution: With Service Records and Miscellaneous Data, (Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1976.)
Heitman, Francis B. Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army: During the War of the Revolution - April, 1775, to December, 1783, (Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1982.)
Hendrix, Gelee Corley and Morn McKoy Lindsey, compilers. The Jury Lists of South Carolina, 1778-1779, (Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1980.)
Lewis, James A. Neptune's Militia: The Frigate South Carolina during the American Revolution, (The Kent State University Press, 1999.)
Moore, Caroline T. Abstracts of Wills of Charleston District, South Carolina: And Other Wills Recorded in the District, 1783-1800, (Columbia, SC: R. L. Bryan Co., 1974.)
Moss, Bobby Gilmer. Roster of South Carolina Patriots in the American Revolution, (Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1983.)
Revill, Janie. Copy of the Original Index Book: Showing the Revolutionary Claims Filed in South Carolina Between August 20, 1783 and August 31, 1786, (Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1969.)
Ryan, William R. The World of Thomas Jeremiah: Charles Town on the Eve of the American Revolution, (Oxford University Press, 2010.)
Salley, Alexander S. South Carolina Provincial Troops: Named in Papers of the First Council of Safety of the Revolutionary Party in South Carolina, June - November 1775, (Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1977.)
Many of the posts in this overall blog have concentrated on the numerous officers who served on board the frigate South Carolina. In the last post, the writer of this blog expressed a desire to begin to focus on the NCOs and enlisted men of the patriot frigate on her two voyages against the British Crown during the course of the American Revolution. This same desire was the reason for the last post on Peter Langdon, Gunner on board the frigate South Carolina. But, as this post will prove, this desire will function not to the exclusion of the officers who served on board the frigate and have not had their cases examined yet. As information on these officers surfaces in research on the frigate South Carolina and her crew members and marines, this new information will be collected into a post. This will be one of those posts that returns to focus on one of these officers on board the frigate. As will be seen in this post, this officer served long and well in the patriot Cause, even before he took a position on board the frigate South Carolina.
According to Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, section entitled "Appendix: Crew and Marines of the South Carolina", page 169, the following information appears:
John Alleyne Walter (Walters?) no position given
John Allen Walters (Walter?) Lieutenant of Marines
It is the opinion of the writer of this blog that these two men are indeed one and the same man. But, this expressed opinion necessitates the task of, at least, on the part of the writer of this blog, at attempting to discern his correct name. All sources refer to his first name as given here - "John". In the same manner, none of the sources cited in this post ever use the surname of "Walters". Thus, this name can be disregarded as incorrect in the opinion of the writer of this blog. That leaves the reader to decide the individual's middle name - either "Allen" or "Alleyne". There exists one source, Hendrix and Corley's work, The Jury Lists of South Carolina, 1778-1779, that even cites his middle name as being "Allyn". But, the point is that the sources at the disposal of the writer of this blog are divided equally between these two spellings of the middle name of this man. Even the types of sources - original, primary sources and secondary sources - seem to be equally divided between these two different spellings. It would seem at this point in the argument that this is a topic that may well be able to escape any form of positive determination except for a [possible single factor. John Allen or Alleyne Walter was the son of a prominent family that had immigrated from Barbados Island to South Carolina. Much earlier in Barbadian history and while the family was definitely prominent in politics and society in Barbados, the name "Alleyne" was a common family name to be carried by the male members of that family. Thus, this name, Alleyne, seems to be the proper spelling of John Walter's middle name. There may be other factors that operated here that the writer of this blog does not know about or has not considered but, the choice of a "proper" middle name for this man seems to be a sound assumption in this case. Thus, this middle name of "Alleyne" will be the educated assumption that will be utilized through out the remainder of this specific post in assigning a "proper" middle name to this individual.
(Note: According to Brandow's work, Genealogies of Barbados Families, page 580, John Alleyne Walter was the great-grandson of Richard Walter of Barbados, who lived in Barbados from the late 1600s until his death in late summer 1700. John Alleyne Walter served as a lieutenant in a South Carolina regiment commanded by Colonel Moultrie during the American Revolution. He later became the master of Wampee Plantation and married Jane Oliphant, daughter of Dr. David Oliphant of Charleston, SC, circa February 1774. Further on in the same work, page 584, the following information appears:
"William Walter devised the 'Wampee' plantation to his son, John Alleyne Walter, who was for a time a lieutenant in Col. William Moultrie's regiment, and married Jane Oliphant the daughter of Dr. David Oliphant, a member of the Council of Safety, a prominent figure in Revolutionary councils. This information is cited as being drawn from the South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, Vol. XI, pages 89-91."
Further on in this same work, page 102, it states that "...John Allen Walter, Ash: [Ashley] River (married to) Jane Oliphant, S.C. Town.". This is an excellent example of the diversity of spelling used in the 18th century for the same name. But, in the opinion of the writer of this blog, the above information again confirms that the correct middle name of the individual in question is "Alleyne".
In support of the above statement that John Alleyne Walter of South Carolina came from a prominent family, well-established in Barbados, there is the example of his great-grandfather, Richard Walter of Barbados and some of the subsequent generations that preceded John Alleyne Walter. According to Brandow's work, Genealogies of Barbados Families, page 581, under a section of the work entitled "Walter of Barbados and South Carolina", information is briefly cited which indicates that Richard Walter rose rather rapidly through the ranks of society beginning in the late 1670s. In 1678, Richard Walter is cited as a "...merchant there [in Barbados]...". In 1680, he is cited as possessing property in the form of "...3 servants, 206 acres, 140 negroes...". By 1687-1688, he is cited as "...a considerable planter...". On October 28, 1697, Richard Walter received an appointment to the Council of Barbados from the King of England and by 1698, he is being referred to as a "...Member of the Council...". The son of Richard Walter and grandfather of John Alleyne Walter, John Walter, is cited as having "...owned a barony of 12,000 acres in S. Carolina..." and, later in 1719 and 1722, became a Minister of Parliament for County Surrey. John Alleyne Walter's father, William Walter, is next cited as being "...of Wampee plantation of 1000 a[cres] in Ashley Barony, S. Carolina...". At what point in time the family relocated to South Carolina is unknown. It may well have been John Alleyne Walter's father, William Walter, due to his owning a plantation named "Wampee Plantation" of 1000 acres in South Carolina. But, it is almost certain that John Alleyne Walter was born and grew up in South Carolina but, there is no absolutely definitive manner of proving this point of historical fact.)
Even though it has been determined that the true proper full name of the individual in question is John Alleyne Walter, the writer of this blog will endeavor to use the alternate spellings combined with the source that uses that alternate spelling when those sources are being cited in this post. According to Heitman's work, Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army, page 567, the brief entry concerning John Allen Walter is as follows:
"John Allen Walter - (South Carolina) - 1st Lieutenant, 1st South Carolina [Regiment of Foot], 17th June, 1775 to -------."
Moss's work, Roster of South Carolina Patriots, page 964, elaborates on this information concerning John Allen Walter as follows:
"John Allen Walter - he served as a first lieutenant in the First Regiment from 17 June 1775 until he resigned on 22 September 1775. At sometime, he served as an assistant commissary of supplies. He was dead prior to July 1791.".
Ervin's work, South Carolinians in the Revolution, page 62, erroneously cites John Allen Walter within a list entitled "Officers, South Carolina Regiments, Continental Establishment" as being a "...lieutenant in the 2nd Regiment of South Carolina...". No other supporting information concerning John Allen Walter is provided in this listing of officers who served in the various regiments of foot raised by South Carolina during the American Revolution.
Information contained within Salley's work, South Carolina Provincial Troops, pages 77 and 124, gives us a larger picture of the duties performed by John Allen Walter while he was part of the patriot army as well as the announcement of his resignation letter by Henry Laurens to Colonel William Moultrie, Walter's regimental commanding officer. The first reference is found in a letter from Henry Laurens to Lieutenant Colonel Isaac Motte and indicates that "...Lieut. Walter..." had been entrusted to deliver correspondence from Henry Laurens intended for other military officers. In this specific case, Lieutenant John Allen Walter had been entrusted to carry a letter from Henry Laurens to Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Motte. The second letter is found in full in this same work, page 124, and is cited in its entirety as follows:
"[Henry Laurens to Col. William Moultrie]
Lieutenant John Allen Walter having signified to us in writing dated the 22nd. Inst. [this same month] his desire to resign his Commission as Lieutenant in your Regiment We have after due consideration Resolved that he be permitted to resign. You will therefore accept his Resignation in form & notify the same to us in order that the Vacancy which will thereby happen may be properly supplied.
By order of the Council of Safety.
Endorsed: Copy 28 Septem 1775
To Collo. Moultrie"
Even in time of war when the call of one's country resounds everywhere, there can arise reasons for a young man to withdraw from the conflict. These reasons for declining to participate in the continuing struggle can be obvious or ever-so-subtle in nature. But, if the future looked so bright and promising for Lieutenant John Allen Walter and if advancement presented itself through the auspices of the American Revolution, the situation almost begs the question as to why he chose to resign his commission and return to being a civilian. There are two possible statements that are provided here in the way of a rather oblique explanation in answer to this question. The first statement appears in Moss's work, Roster of South Carolina Patriots, page 964, cited above, in which the final sentence of the citation for John Allen Walter states that "...he was dead prior to July 1791...". According to Ryan's work, The World of Thomas Jeremiah, in foot note 76 on page 226, which states that "...on September 22 of that year , Walter attempted to resign his commission because of failing health...". How this particular piece of information in a secondary source came to demonstratively state that the reason for the "attempted resignation" of his commission by John Alleyne Walter was due to the preexisting condition of "...failing health..." is not known. It is also not known whether or not this information was drawn from some other possibly primary source. The date of September 22, 1775 does coincide with the request made in the letter above cited in Salley's work, South Carolina Provincial Troops, page 122.
(Note: According to Ryan's work, The World of Thomas Jeremiah, foot note 76 on page 226, is the sole source known to the writer of this blog where the tentative dates of John Alleyne Walter's life are provided. The opening sentence of the brief biography of John Alleyne Walter is "...John Allen (Alleyne) Walter(s) (1752-ca. 1787) is an interesting figure.". The next sentence goes on to elaborate that he was a lawyer by profession and "...later a lieutenant in Francis Marion's company of light infantry...". The statement concerning his civilian training as a lawyer could be true but, none of the sources currently available to the writer of this blog has even remotely referred to John Alleyne Walter as being associated with or under the command of the famous "Swamp Fox" Francis Marion. This will be considered as suspect information until the writer of this blog finds information to the contrary. But, the tentative dates of the life of John Alleyne Walter are provided here as a point of reference, though again, there is no corroboration of this information either.)
The sole reference to John Alleyne Walter's life as a civilian after he left the service of the Continental Army comes from Hendrix and Lindsey's work, The Jury Lists of South Carolina, 1778-1779. According to this work, pages 7 and 17, John Allyn Walter is cited as having served as both a petit juror as well as a grand juror for the parish of St. George, Dorchester. This is all that is known of the civilian life of John Alleyne Walter except for a curious incident that occurred in October 1775, shortly after he had petitioned the Council of Safety concerning the resignation of his commission from the 1st South Carolina Regiment of Foot. According to Ryan's work, The World of Thomas Jeremiah, page 83, "...in the third week of October ... a 'Negro Fellow' named Shadwell escaped from a schooner 'lying near Lamboll's bridge'....". The owner of this escaped slave was John Alleyne Walter and, according to custom, he placed a runaway slave notice in the local newspapers which described Shadwell as such:
"...Shadwell was a 'stout and squat' slave who stood five feet eight inches tall and spoke remarkably 'good English'. The bondman, an experienced 'patroon', used to guiding boats known as pettiaugers along local waterways, was reportedly 'well acquainted with all the rivers and inlets to the southward of Charleston'.".
(Note: a "pettiauger" is a local variant spelling of a "periauger", "perogue" or "pirogue" which is a shallow draft boat without a keel and with two masts but, no bowsprit. This shallow water vessel is equipped with oars and can be rowed in certain situations.)
It sounds as though that Shadwell was an experienced mariner and boat-handler of the shallow-water ways of low-country South Carolina and was thus valuable to John Alleyne Walter. According to Ryan's work, The World Thomas Jeremiah, page 83, John Alleyne Walter, "...vexed by the loss of such a valuable pilot, offered a reward of twenty pounds sterling to anyone who would 'apprehend and deliver the said fellow' to himself or the warden of the workhouse, Michael Kalteisen.".
(Note: Information concerning Michael Kalteisen and his contributions to both Charleston, SC society and the history of the frigate South Carolina are found in the post entitled "Michael Kalteisen - Gillon's 'Captain of Marines' -" and is dated "10/08/2014". The Michael Kalteisen referred to here is indeed the same individual who would serve as "Captain of Marines" on board the frigate South Carolina for the first voyage and would be sent by Commodore Alexander Gillon on recruiting duty to Charleston, SC prior to the frigate setting sail for her second brief voyage ending in her capture on December 21, 1782 off the Capes of the Delaware.)
The affair concerning John Alleyne Walter's run-away slave Shadwell could have easily ended at this point in the story, as so many other similar tales had no doubt ended. But, it did not end there. The initial shots of the American Revolution had been fired at Lexington and Concord, MA several months earlier and the bloodbath of Bunker Hill had occurred only a few months prior to the above described incident. Moderates - on both sides of the lines of disagreement - still hoped and prayed for a reconciliation between the opposing forces in this newly-commenced revolutionary movement. Yet, there was stiil the issue of the proper recognition of power and rightful authority within the rebelling colonies. The colonies wanted to force Great Britain to acknowledge the rightful authority of their colonial congresses in each of the rebelling colonies. Great Britain wanted the colonies to fully submit to their previously unquestioned authority and right to rule as Britannia in her own colonial possessions. It was a situation of willful demonstrations of power and force, each wanting the other to back down first and thus officially recognize the other as possessing full authority in this conflict. Thus, the incident concerning the run-away slave Shadwell became an issue that was most probably never intended for it to become.
According to Ryan's work, The World of Thomas Jeremiah, page 83, the following incident transpired the day after the run-away article had been submitted to the local newspaper:
"On Saturday, October 28, the day after [John Alleyne] Walter scripted his runaway advertisement, the Council of Safety ordered local brewer and bookkeeper John Calvert to deliver a letter to the captain of the [HMS] Tamar, Edward Thornbrough. The document began by informing the elderly captain that the Council had learned that Shadwell, 'the property of John Allen Walters Esqr.,' was on board the Tamar and employed under his command....the Council declared that Shadwell was indeed a runaway slave and that harboring him or carrying him off was "highly penal" and would constitute a "Felony" under South Carolina law.".
(Note: Captain Edward Thornbrough and the HMS Tamar, the sole British Royal Navy presence in Charles Town Harbor in the fall of 1775, were described in less-than-flattering terms by their 18th century contemporaries. Lord William Campbell, the newly-appointed royal governor of South Carolina, spoke of the HMS Tamar as being "...a poor solitary worm-eaten sloop...". The account goes on to say that "...this ship, named for the river that pours into the harbor at Plymouth, England, was described in admiralty records of the time as unsafe for active duty.". Captain Edward Thornbrough was described in the same terms by both Lord Campbell as well as by Alexander Innes, a British governmental emissary for Lord Campbell. Again, according to the text on page 69, "...Captain Innes referred to the skipper [Edward Thornbrough of the HMS Tamar] as a 'poor, helpless, lame, bedridden old Man,' who had served nearly fifty years in the Royal Navy.". But, being an armed Royal Navy sloop-of-war with a battery of sixteen guns, HMS Tamar was a force to be reckoned with in the sea lanes leading to Charleston, SC. The text closes with the statement that "...this [the ship's presence] alone was cause for consternation among the white revolutionaries of Charles Town, prompting Henry Laurens to remark that the ship was 'as well prepared as such a Crazy Bark can be.'.")
Shadwell was not at the epicenter of this situation alone. The British were preparing to invade South Carolina and knew that they needed trained and skilled pilots to guide their fleet through the bays and inlets of the South Carolina coast. According to Dawson's article, "Enslaved Pilots in the Age of Revolution", page 17, the British began to seize and impress these highly skilled African-American slave pilots, some of them as early as July 1775. Again, according to the article, page 17, not only was Shadwell either enticed by or escaped to the British but, even before his defection to the British, the enemy had seized or enticed other slave-pilots such as Sampson - "...the best pilot in this harbor...", according to Royal Governor Lord William Campbell, Harry - cited in a British source as "...a most Valuable Negroe man pilot...", Mercury, and Bluff. According to Dawson's article, page 17, "Shadwell was an African-born bondman who '...speaks remarkably good English...'. On November 21, 1775, he escaped to the British.". Thus, the incident involving Shadwell was not an isolated occurrence of a skilled runaway slave and vexatious to his owner, John Alleyne Walter, as the sole offended party but, rather, this incident was symptomatic of an impending crisis of invasion of the southern colonies in an attempt to further prosecute and expand the scope of the war on the part of the British Crown.
So, John Alleyne Walter became involved in a rather complicated situation due to a enslaved ship's pilot, Shadwell, who belonged to Walter, running away and possibly taking refuge on HMS Tamar under the command of Captain Edward Thornbrough. The letter sent from the Council of Safety stopped short of accusing Thornbrough of abducting or aiding in the escape of Shadwell. Instead, according to Ryan's work, The World of Thomas Jeremiah, page 84, the tone of the letter expressed that Shadwell may well have "...imposed himself upon you as a Freeman: & therefore we doubt not if our information is true -- but that you will cause him to be delivered up to Mr. J C [John Calvert] the bearer of this letter.". The letter, and its challenging tone, infuriated Captain Thornbrough who would demand that the bearer of the letter remain on board HMS Tamar while he rowed over to HMS Cherokee to show the letter to Lord William Campbell, the Royal Governor of South Carolina. Lord Campbell had recently fled to the protection of that British man-of-war, which had arrived on September 7, 1775 to join HMS Tamar on station there in Charles Town harbor.
Suddenly and inexplicably, the record goes silent concerning John Alleyne Walter. Except for the brief reference to him as serving on both petit and grand juries for St. Georges Dorchester, we hear nothing more of him until December 21, 1782 and the capture of the frigate South Carolina just off the Capes of the Delaware by the three British men-of-war. Indeed, this is the first reference to his being involved as a "Lieutenant of Marines" on board the frigate South Carolina. According to Middlebrook's work, The Frigate "South Carolina": A Famous Revolutionary War Ship, page 24, there appears the following citation among the officers of the American prisoners-of-war captured from the frigate South Carolina on December 21, 1782 and placed on board the HMS Quebec for transportation into New York City harbor:
John Walters Lieutenant of Marines December 26, 1782 On Parole
For the officers of the captured frigate South Carolina, being placed "On Parole" meant giving their word "as gentlemen" to not violate their parole and remain within the confines of Long Island until they were "exchanged" back to the patriot forces as the war's end according to the Treaty of Paris neared. Being that they were set at a type of "confinement by honor", they suffered very little compared with the NCOs and enlisted crew members and marines of the captured frigate South Carolina who were similarly placed on board the numerous British prison "hulks" moored in Wallabout, Bay, NY - the most infamous being the Old Jersey.
(Note: the identical information is contained in the post entitled "'Bound for New York City, Pt. II'- Roster of Captive Americans on board the HMS Quebec - December 20, 1782" and dated "03/25/2015". The individual in question here is named "Walters" instead of "Walter" but, it is almost certainly the same man with a misspelled last name.)
According to Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, page 85, the officer contingent of the frigate South Carolina changed very little between the first cruise, which ended in Philadelphia, PA on May 29, 1782, and the second cruise of the patriot frigate, which ended on December 21, 1782 with the capture of the frigate just off the Capes of the Delaware. There are no references in Lewis's work at all of John Alleyne Walter being on the first cruise of the frigate South Carolina. Thus, we can assume from this silence regarding his presence on board the patriot ship-of-war that he was not a member of the officer's mess on that first voyage. The only information we have is the citation of his name as being among the captured officers of the frigate who were paroled on Long Island on December 26, 1782. But, we do not know the date of his signing on board the frigate South Carolina or the circumstances under which he was attracted to the frigate in the first place. It is possible that after Lieutenant John Mayrant and Captain of Marines Michael Kalteisen were dispatched to Charleston, SC by Commodore Alexander Gillon in the fall of 1782 on recruiting duty that they recruited John Alleyne Walter to the patriot ship-of-war. John Alleyne Walter must have found his own way to Philadelphia, PA and signed on board the frigate at some point prior to the frigate setting sail for its final voyage.
The next reference we have to John Alleyne Walter is that of a certificate being issued to him by the state of South Carolina on June 17, 1783. To place this in proper time perspective, John Alleyne Walter was captured on board the frigate South Carolina on December 21, 1782. He was paroled on Long Island on December 26, 1782. He was issued a certificate by the state of South Carolina on June 17, 1783. These three events in the life of John Alleyne Walter all occurred within six months of each other. John Alleyne Walter must have been exchanged back to the patriot forces rather quickly after his initial capture for his certificate to be issued by June 17, 1782. This would have been the general rule of war for the officers to be exchanged fairly quickly while the NCOs and enlisted men would have to wait for a general exchange of non-officers after the end of the war. A convenient exchange point in the environs of New York City for repatriated patriots would have been Dobbs Ferry, north of the city itself. There are pension applications that indicate this was an exchange point for enlisted men but, there is no indication that officers were also exchanged there.
(Note: The amount of the issued certificate to John Alleyne Walter was 94p/2s/3d which is the proper average amount for an officer of lieutenant status.)
The final reference to John Alleyne Walter, Lieutenant of Marines on board the frigate South Carolina for her final voyage, that is known to the writer of this blog is an abstract of his last will and testament. The abstract of the will of John Alleyne Walter appears in Moore's work, Abstracts of Wills of Charleston District ,South Carolina: And Other Wills Recorded in the District, 1783-1800. The abstract actually appears on page 132, and is as follows:
John Alleyne Walter, Charleston [SC].
Daughters: Hanah Christiana and Harriot Lynch, both under 18 years of age and unmarried.
John Alleyne Walter left all of his estate to the above mentioned young women. Walter's instructions for the executors were that they were either to lease or sell his estate, whichever was to the best advantage of his daughters.
The named executors and guardians of the children were cited as being:
John Winslow of North Carolina
James Macomb, Jr. of Charleston, SC
Mrs. Catherine Oliphant of Charleston, SC
Witnesses to the will are cited as being:
Date the will was written: October 26, 1786
Date the will was proven: April 28, 1787
Date the will was recorded: No date given, page 96
The writer of this blog does not possess any source that indicates that actual death date of John Alleyne Walter. The only reference to this life event is taken from Moss's work, Roster of South Carolina Patriots, page 964, and states that "...he was dead prior to July 1791...". The dates associated with the abstract of his will would seem to prove out this point. The foot note associated with Ryan's work, The World of Thomas Jeremiah, page 226, states that the life dates of John Alleyne Walter are 1752 - circa1787. If this last piece of evidence is indeed factual, then he would have been about thirty-five years old at the time of his death. His was an early death, like so many other of his fellow shipmates from the frigate South Carolina. Being that he left all of his property to his two young daughters, his wife, Jane Oliphant of Charleston, SC, must have predeceased him though there is no reference to this event in any of the documentation concerning John Alleyne Walter.
So, ... a revolutionary life lived and a privileged life at that. His family was from wealthy, well-placed society in Barbados and, before that, must have been from a similar social strata in England. When they immigrated to South Carolina, it was again into the top echelons of colonial society there. Just before the outbreak of hostilities with Great Britain, John Alleyne Walter married into an equally prestigious family from Charleston, SC, further emphasizing his position within the colonial society of the state. At the outbreak of the American Revolution, John Alleyne Walter chose to side with the patriots of his family's adopted state and was commissioned as an officer. As such, he served in the 1st South Carolina Regiment of Foot under the famous Colonel William Moultrie and later carried important correspondence between important members of South Carolina revolutionary government and military establishment. Then for some undisclosed reason, he resigned his commission and returned to civilian life. Shortly, after this return, a seemingly small event, a runaway slave owned by John Alleyne Walter, turned into a more ominous incident, heralding the impending invasion of South Carolina by the forces of the English Crown. In his civilian capacity, he served on both petit and grand juries for St. George's parish, Dorchester, SC. Then came his service, brief as it may have been, on board the frigate that bore the name of his home state - South Carolina. After his exchange back to the patriots and the cessation of hostilities, John Alleyne Walter was issued a certificate for an amount that is the average amount for an officer of the rank of lieutenant of marines, further indicating that the possible confusion between the two separate individuals initially mentioned at the beginning of this post should be settled in favor of the proper full name of John Alleyne Walter. On land and on sea, as a military officer and as a civilian, a fascinating life... indeed, a revolutionary one through out its entire course, in both war and peace. Well done, John Alleyne Walter, Lieutenant of Marines on board the frigate South Carolina. Well done, indeed. Fin.