Lewis, James A. Neptune's Militia: The Frigate South Carolina during the American Revolution, (Kent, OH: The Kent State University Press, 1999.)
Littell, Charles Willing. "Major William Jackson - Secretary of the Federal Convention", (The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, No. 4, pp. 353-369, 1878.)
The period of Captain William Jackson's enforced inactivity due to his having been captured at the fall of Charleston, SC was fairly brief. He was captured on May 12, 1780 in the city of Charleston, SC and was then transported to Philadelphia, which then was under British control. None of the sources available to the writer of this blog states the exact date of his exchange but, Littell's article, "Major William Jackson - Secretary of the Federal Convention", page 356, states that following information:
"It was not, however, his [William Jackson's] fate to suffer a captivity as long as that to which many others were obliged to submit. An 'extensive exchange' took place in the fall of that year, and, on the 9th of November,Washington write to Lincoln, 'I now have the pleasure to congratulate you on your exchange. The certificate of it will be transmitted to you by the commissary of prisoners; Majors Baylies and Jackson are also exchanged.'.".
We do not know the exact date of the exchange of Major William Jackson but, it would have most likely have been just prior to November 9, 1780. Thus, his time of status as a prisoner-of-war with the British in Philadelphia, PA would have been just under six months. The American Revolution occurred at a time when officers were seen as gentlemen and treated likewise. The qualities of a gentleman could be easily reflected in the treatment meted out to enemy officers captured in battle. Thus, as an officer and as a staff aide to General Benjamin Lincoln, Major William Jackson would have not only received exemplary treatment from the British but, would have been favored in the process of prisoner exchange. This is the reason for his only being held in British captivity for just under six months.
Shortly after his release from British custody, William Jackson's fortunes continued to change for the better. According to Jeter's article "Founding Fathers' Friday: William Jackson", pages 1-2:
"After Jackson's release he was assigned as secretary to General Washington's aide, John Laurens. In 1781, Laurens was sent to France to buy military supplies with money secured from the French government. Jackson accompanied Laurens. Eventually the task of procuring supplies was handed over to Jackson, who spent more than was allotted, causing consternation with Benjamin Franklin who had set aside some of the loans to settle war debts.".
The Wikipedia article, "William Jackson (secretary)", pages 1-2, states the following information concerning this vital mission to France after his release from British captivity:
"A skilled staff officer, Jackson was then assigned to General Washington's staff, serving as secretary to the general's aide John Laurens, son of Henry Laurens of South Carolina. When Laurens was sent to France in 1781 to buy supplies with money loaned by the French government, he took Jackson along, and the job was handed over to Jackson when Laurens returned to America after a short and undiplomatic stay in France; Jackson made extensive purchases, beyond his budget, and had a discussion with Benjamin Franklin after spending some of the money Franklin had reserved for unpaid bills.".
These two sources corroborate on several important issues of the mission as well as the fact that Laurens returned early to America, leaving the role of gathering and purchasing crucial military supplies for the American war effort to his secretary, Major William Jackson. Both of these sources corroborate that the duty of purchasing war materials for the rebellious colonies at some point in the mission fell to William Jackson. They also confirm that having spent more than the funds allotted to him, Jackson may well have had an uncomfortable discussion with an angry Benjamin Franklin who had other plans for the funds.
Albeit, the previously stated remarks of the previous post having been made concerning the possible veracity of the following article, Littell's work, "Major William Jackson - Secretary of the Federal Convention", pages 356-357, gives more detailed information regarding the mission to France that included Major William Jackson:
"The intimacy, which he [Jackson] had formed with Colonel John Laurens during the days of trial in Charleston, doubtless led to his appointment as secretary to this officer, when, in the year following, 1781, he was chosen by Congress a special Minister to the Court of France. Laurens and his secretary sailed from Boston on the 9th of February, 1781, in the frigate Alliance, commanded by Captain John Barry. The young Envoy was then in his twenty-fifth year, and his secretary three years his junior. It is unnecessary to enter further into the details of this well-known mission, which the accomplishments and manly bearing of its chief rendered so successful, than to show the part taken by Major Jackson. Towards its close, he [Jackson] was sent to Amsterdam, to superintend the expenditure of a portion of a loan, which the French Minister, Necker, had authorized to be opened in Holland for the benefit of the United States, and to expedite the departure of munitions of war, so purchased, to America.
The confidence reposed in Jackson by Laurens is fully expressed in his [Laurens's] letters to the President of Congress, one of which closes with the following paragraph: 'These despatches [dispatches] will be delivered to your Excellency by Captain Jackson, of the First South Carolina Regiment [of Foot], whose zeal for the service made him cheerfully undertake the journey to Holland, for the purpose of accelerating the departure of the Indian [L'Indien], and to whom I am much indebted for his assistance in this country.'.".
(Note: This reference to the Indian or L'Indien is the first reference to the frigate South Carolina by her original name in the writings of Major William Jackson.)
Again, Littell's article, "Major William Jackson - Secretary to the Federal Convention", pages 357-358, gives a fuller more detailed account of the proceedings of William Jackson in relationship to the manner in which he over-spent these additional finances and thus "ran afoul" of the American representative in France, Benjamin Franklin:
"The vessel alluded to by Laurens had been sold, by the Chevalier de Luxembourg, to the state of South Carolina. Captain Alexander Gillon, who acted as the agent for that State, had negotiated the purchase, and had partially loaded the vessel with stores. He had become involved in financial difficulties, and had ceded his cargo to Col. Laurens for the use of Congress. Jackson's instructions allowed him to complete the freighting of the vessel, and in doing so a difficulty occurred which occasioned some temporary embarrassment. Supplies sufficient to load more than two ships were procured, and, the Holland loan failing at first to meet with the anticipated success, Jackson was obliged to draw upon Dr. Franklin, then our resident Minister at Paris, for the means to settle the debts. This caused Franklin no little annoyance. The correspondence which ensued added to the misunderstanding which occasioned the difficulty, and a visit to Passyon the part of Jackson became necessary. The following letter from John Adams, who was then in Amsterdam, to Congressbears directly on the history of the case, and is given in full: --
'Amsterdam, June 27, 1781.
Sir: Major Jackson has been sometime here in pursuance of instructions fro Col. Laurens, in order to despatch [dispatch] the purchase of the goods, and the shipping of the goods and cash for the United States, which are to go by the South Carolina. But when all things appeared ready, I received a letter from his Excellency, Dr. Franklin, informing me that he feared his funds would not admit of his accepting bills for more than fifteen thousand pounds sterling, the accounts of the Indian and the goods amounted to more than fifty thousand pounds, which showed that there had not been an understanding sufficiently precise and explicit between the Doctor and the Colonel. There was, however, no remedy but a journey to Passy, which Major Jackson undertook, despatched [dispatched] the whole business, and returned to Amsterdam in seven days, so that I hope now there will be no more delays.
Major Jackson has conducted [himself], through the whole of his residence here, as far as I have been able to observe, with great activity and accuracy in business, and an exemplary zeal for the public service.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
John Adams'
'You may judge,' wrote Franklin to Adams, on a subsequent occasion, in reference to this matter, that it was a 'monstrous surprise to me, to have an account brought against me of fifty thousand pounds, instead of five thousand pounds. I agreed however, to accept the bills, on Jackson's representation, that the goods were bought and shipped; that the relanding and returning, or selling them would make a talk, and discredit us; that they were only such as were absolutely necessary, etc.' I do not think the least blame lies with you [Adams]. Captain Jackson, too, might be ignorant of the bulk of the goods till they were assembled; but methinks Messrs. Neufville might have known it, would have advised against so enormous a purchase, if augmenting their commissions, and the project of freighting their own ships had not blinded their eyes.'.".
Littell's article, "Major William Jackson - Secretary of the Federal Convention", page 359, concludes this incident with the following statement that contains the possible solution to the problem of the over-purchase of goods to be sent to America to further the struggle against Great Britain:
"The interview with Franklin did not hasten the departure of the store-ship, so much wished for in the letter of Adams. On Jackson's return to Amsterdam, he suffered from a fever contracted on his journey; then occurred a correspondence with Franklin, regarding the money for America mentioned in the above letter, and, finally, it was discovered that the vessel was overloaded, and two others had to be engaged to carry the cargo.".
(Note: According to Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, page 181, note 23, the three vessels hired in Holland to transport the overabundance of purchased war materials in company with the frigate South Carolina were the Aurora, the Liberty, and the Robyn. Commodore Alexander Gillon had agreed to escort these three merchant/privateering ships across the Atlantic Ocean to American waters. Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, makes it unclear whether or not this escort service was ever performed by the frigate South Carolina for these three smaller, less defensible ships.)
As to the "heated exchange" that took place between Jackson and Franklin, Littell's work, "Major William Jackson - Secretary of the Federal Convention", pages 359-360, addresses this issue more fully and with quite a bit more detail into the matter:
"The funds mentioned in the letter of John Adams were a portion of the six millions of livres, a free gift of Louis XVI to the United States, which Franklin had influenced, and a part of which, he was not aware, had been deposited in Amsterdam, by the French Ministers Necker and Vegennes, subject to the order of Major Jackson, to be conveyed to American as cash. Not feeling entire confidence in Captain Gillon, who was to command the vessel, in which Jackson was to return home, and having need of all the money he could command, to discharge the debts incurred by that officer, Franklin declined to allow him the pleasure of carrying, what would have been a very welcome present, to the Treasury of the American Congress. Under the impression that the money at Amsterdam had been obtained through the mediations of Col. Laurens, and wishing to discharge the trust committed to him, in exact compliance with the tenor of his instructions, Jackson, with some warmth, protested against the interference of Franklin. This called from the latter an explanation, expressed with his usual clearness and vigor, in which he pointed out to Jackson, how prejudicial to their country the course proposed by him would be, and how necessary the money under dispute was, to insure the departure of the vessel he had freighted. The course insisted upon by Dr. Franklin at first occasioned Jackson some chagrin, but, as will be seen, he had no occasion subsequently to regret it. To relieve him of all responsibility in the matter, Franklin wrote to the President of Congress, and gave the reasons for his action, adding: 'Captain Jackson, who is truly zealous for the service, has been exceedingly solicitous and earnest with me to permit the money to go in this ship, but for the reasons above mentioned, I find it absolutely necessary to retain it for the present.'.".
(Note: The writer of this blog finds it curious that not only did Major William Jackson have his difficulties and serious disagreements with Commodore Alexander Gillon of the frigate South Carolina, which are well-documented in Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, but, also, Benjamin Franklin, United States envoy to the Court of Louis XVI, also had his doubts concerning the capabilities of the Commodore of the South Carolina Navy.)
The misunderstanding between Special Envoy Benjamin Franklin, the most well-known American worldwide in the 18th century, and Major William Jackson, operating as a military representative of the State of South Carolina, can be more easily understood in light of the fact that Franklin was a representative of the United States of America and Jackson was a state representative of South Carolina. Franklin was having to weigh all proposals, acquisitions, and loans in light of their overall impact on the course of the American Revolution. At the same time, he saw individual state efforts to acquire supplies and materials as more egocentric and possibly "obstructive" in their conclusion to the overall contest against Great Britain. Yet, Major William Jackson saw his mission as the securing of war materials to benefit the efforts of his home state against Great Britain in this as-of-yet undecided contest. It is a fact that Franklin protested the acquisition of the L'Indien by South Carolina because he saw this as only aiding a single state rather than assisting the Revolution as a whole against Great Britain. Yet, in this endeavour, Commodore Alexander Gillon bested the efforts of Benjamin Franklin to foil his acquisition of the famous frigate.
In particular, the exchange of hostile correspondence between Franklin (in Passy, France) and Jackson (in Amsterdam, Holland) became sharp and acrimonious in nature. The gist of this exchange can be seen in a flurry of letters written between the two American representatives from July 2-10, 1781. These letters are as follows:
"To Benjamin Franklin from William Jackson: Three Letters, July 2, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018.)"
"To Benjamin Franklin from William Jackson, July 5, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018.)"
"From Benjamin Franklin to William Jackson, July 6, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018.)"
"From Benjamin Franklin to William Jackson, July 10, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified
June 13, 2018.)"
William Jackson's tone in these letters is rather haughty and defensive of both his honor and the work and efforts of now-absent Colonel John Laurens back in the United States. He reminds Franklin that Colonel Laurens was duly sent by Congress to obtain war materials in Europe. He also states that he himself was further duly commissioned and charged by Laurens to continue the purchase and shipping of these same materials to America. On the other hand, Franklin's tone is somewhat condescending towards the youthful South Carolinian. He states that:
"My Situation & long Acquaintance with Affairs relating to the public Credit enables me, I think, to judge better than you can do, who are a Novice in them, what Employment of it will most conduce to that End; and I imagine the retaining it to pay Congress Drafts has infinitely the Advantage.
You repeat that the Ship is detain'd by my Refusal. You forget your having written to me expressly, that She waited for Convoy. --
You remind me of the Great Expence the Detention of the Ship occasions. Who has given Orders to stop her? It was not me. I had no Authority to do it. Have you? And do you imagine, if you have taken such Authority upon your that the Congress ought to bear the Expence occasion'd by your Imprudence. And that the Blame of detaining the necessary Stores the Ship contains, will be excus'd by your fond desire of carrying the Money?".
In the end, the much more diplomatic Benjamin Franklin would exercise some discretion and conclude the mutual argument by stating that "...this Dispute is as useless as it is unpleasant. It can only create ill Blood. Pray let us end it...".
(Note: Even though this letter contains an excellent and poignant plea on the part of Benjamin Franklin to end this futile argument, there is some indication that this specific letter was never sent to William Jackson. This is indicated in the footnotes associated with this letter and explicitly states "...We doubt this letter was ever sent. Jackson arrived in Passy on July 10 or 11 [1781]...".)
Major William Jackson's service as secretary to Colonel John Laurens were of an exemplary nature if the letters exchanged between other American dignitaries in both France and Holland are any indication. The young assistant's abilities and zeal for the American Cause are referenced in several letters (or associated addended footnotes) of the time, amongst which are the following:
"To John Adams from John Bondfield, March 17, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"To Benjamin Franklin from John Laurens, [on or after March 18, 1781]," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, April 29, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"From John Adams to the President of Congress, May 3, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"Saturday June 16, 1781 (John Adams's diary entry)," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"To Benjamin Franklin from Jean de Neufville & Fils, August 30, 1781," (Founders online, National Archives, last modified
June 29, 2017.)"
Though these letters are frequently of a more formal nature and address the furtherance of the American war efforts against Great Britain, still Major William Jackson is referenced in very complimentary terms throughout these writings. In the third letter referenced above, "To John Adams from Benjamin Franklin, April 29, 1781", Major William Jackson is referred to as "..a worthy Officer of the States, whom I beg leave to recommend to your Civilities...".
Major William Jackson also participated in this exchange of correspondence between these same dignitaries as evidenced in the following set of letters:
"To John Adams from William Jackson, May 10, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 1781.)"
"From Benjamin Franklin to William Jackson: Two Letters, July 5, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"To Benjamin Franklin from William Jackson, July 5, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"To John Adams from William Jackson, August 12, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified June 29, 2017.)"
"William Jackson to John Adams, September 26, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified October 5, 2016.)"
"To John Adams from William Jackson, November 12, 1781," (Founders Online, National Archives, last modified October 5, 2016.)"
The nature and tone of the disagreement between Major William Jackson and Commodore Alexander Gillon was based on mutual lack of communication between the two South Carolinians. Commodore Alexander Gillon, the Commodore of the Navy of South Carolina and commanding officer on board the frigate South Carolina, and Colonel John Laurens, the newly-arrived Congressional representative in France, had an agreement between the two of them. In return for war supplies being delivered to Philadelphia, PA on behalf of Laurens, Laurens would turn over to Commodore Gillon ten thousand pounds sterling which would greatly facilitate getting the frigate out of The Texel, Holland and bound towards American waters. This understanding was undoubtedly communicated to Major William Jackson when he took over purchasing the necessary war materials due to Colonel John Laurens returning to America. Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, pages 31-32, illustrates the situation as such:
"The funds from Laurens were the final resource needed to free Gillon from the Texel. By using these funds judiciously, he could meet enough of his obligations to fend off debt collectors, pay for travel of his marines from Dunkirk, and still carry a small reserve with him. By the end of June the marines were aboard, and he was ready to sail. However, the Commodore's sin of borrowing from Peter to pay Paul now created new and unexpected problems in Holland. The first concerned the size of the ship and the second the mercurial Jackson.
Boux had designed the South Carolina to be a fighting frigate, not a cargo ship. To achieve speed and unusual firepower, the French designer had sacrificed cargo space. As big as the South Carolina was -- and her size always attracted attention -- there was a limit to what she could carry. While this would have been obvious to the trained eyes of career naval officers, Gillon had served no apprenticeship in this field. On arrival of the Legion at the end of June, the South Carolina swelled with too many people, armaments, provisions, baggage, and cargo. In fact, the Commodore refused permission to the Legion to load much of their belongings; there was not enough room. As for the sailors, they had places to sleep only if they alternated watches and hammocks -- no problem for a ship at sea but a nuisance for one halfway there. Only with the cargo on deck, instead of stowed below, could demands for sleeping space be accommodated. Yet cargo on deck made it nearly impossible to mount and man the impressive guns that the South Carolina carried. Something had to give, and the Commodore wisely decided that it should be the cargo. If his frigate could not transport it all, sheo could od the next best thing by escorting other ships carrying goods across the Atlantic. Yet the Luxembourg agreement expressly prohibited convoy duty unless compensation was forthcoming for the prince.
While the Commodore ignored his Luxembourg contract again and looked for a commercial ship to escort, young William Jackson (born in 1759) complicated his life further. Free of Laurens's supervision, full of his own importance, and possessing access to considerable bills of exchange, Jackson began to purchase additional goods to ship back to Washington's army. With the South Carolina carrying too much cargo already, Jackson's activities produced so many additional goods that Gillon needed to find a second private ship and eventually a third to take everything. The Commodore and his friends made things worse by adding private consignments of their own. What had started out to be a quick escape by one ship into the North Sea now took on the aspect of a small flotilla readying for departure.
At the same time, Jackson's unexpected use of funds entrusted to his care alarmed Benjamin Franklin in Paris. Franklin wanted this money to go directly to the Continental Congress and not be spent in Holland. If the French government had wanted to provide the Americans with war goods, it would have provided from domestic industries, not granted currency and credit to buy them in Holland. Jackson was jeopardizing future financial help from Versailles and embarrassing Franklin. The American envoy ordered that payments on Jackson's bills of exchange be stopped.
What followed, for a brief period in July 1781, was an extremely sharp exchange between paris and Amsterdam in which Jackson and Franklin both threatened to arrest the French bankers handling the bills of exchange. Jackson was overmatched in this conflict with the worldly-wise Franklin, and he revealed an unfortunate character trait, that of an explosive temper capable of taking disputes to extremes. Franklin shortly managed to rein in the major as far as the French loans was concerned, but the cumulative effect of the dispute was to increase anxiety in Holland about Gillon's finances. Furthermore, the temper that Jackson turned on Franklin could easily be turned on others, including Gillon."
By this point in time, just prior to the sailing of the frigate South Carolina from The Texel on August 4, 1781, tensions among some of the leading personalities involved in this affair were running quite high. Tensions were mounting between Commodore Alexander Gillon and Major William Jackson and promised, due to the above referenced character trait of Jackson, to only increase in intensity. This is exactly what happened next, according to Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, page 32-33:
"All that now delayed the sailing of the South Carolina was the unreadiness of the small flotilla that she was supposed to convoy to Philadelphia. The goods already collected Jackson, Gillon and others filled three vessels.The ships needed to be loaded, manned, moved to Texel, and instructed; and various legal contracts had to be concluded with their owners. It was these last legal contracts that finally posed an insurmountable difficulty. Jackson and Gillon did not have funds to purchase these vessels. Even though the contracted ships would be escorted by the South Carolina, their owners wanted ironclad insurance against risks of braving the Atlantic. There were safer and more profitable voyages to be made in Europe. Other owners felt that they could force Gillon to settle debts in Holland by delaying these transports. Gillon balked at signing the charters for these ships, knowing full well that his personal property would be the first and easiest target of those who wanted compensation for losses. Furthermore, he felt strongly that Jackson should sign them, since the vessels were contracted principally to take supplies for the Continental Congress.The Commodore was not willing to settle any more debts before leaving lest he have no funds aboard when he sailed. Jackson, already smarting from Franklin's rebuke, would not commit any further capital to Gillon and refused to sign the charters himself.
Hoping to force a resolution to this standoff with Jackson and others, on August 4, 1781, Gillon weighed anchor and steered the South Carolina out of Texel toward the North Sea. He wrote to the merchants in Amsterdam that he would cruise off the coast until the convoy came out of Amsterdam. However, he added, it needed to come immediately, for he did not intend to re-enter the harbor of Texel, nor could he stay indefinitely off the coast. Jackson received the same message.".
The several paragraphs cited above, all taken from Lewis's work, Neptune's Militia, pages 31-33, minutely detailing the situation as it existed between Alexander Gillon, ranking officer on board the frigate South Carolina, and William Jackson, secretary to Colonel John Laurens and American envoy to Holland, give the whole picture of the tense relationship that had developed between these two men, both from South Carolina. Both of the men involved seem to have been made somewhat intractable by their position occupied within their respective organizations. Gillon had been duly appointed as the Commodore of the Navy of South Carolina to purchase as many frigates as he could in France for the protection and defense of the coastlines of South Carolina. Major William Jackson was an envoy to France with the inestimable Colonel John Laurens who had charged him to continue the mission delivered to them by the Continental Congress. Both men obviously possessed a sense of self-importance and acted accordingly. When the conflict between them began, initially however small and slight it may have been, each felt an acute sense of insult and violation of their sphere of personal importance. This only served to intensify the feelings of mistrust and dislike each possessed for the other. This sense of dislike would cause the relations between the two men, however bad it was when the frigate South Carolina set sail on August 4, 1781, to only further intensify when the frigate was actually under way and headed for the home waters off of America.